皇冠体育app

The US has launched a "proxy war", with the political and strategic support of some countries against 皇冠体育app. In exchange, it has helped these countries expedite their military build-up and deployment and has been supporting them in their maritime disputes with 皇冠体育app. In spite of all this, 皇冠体育app and the US still have ample space and potential for cooperation on maritime issues, especially non-traditional security cooperation at sea.

皇冠体育app should intensify communications with the US through established bilateral dialogue channels and make it clear that it understands Washington's wish to continue playing a dominant role in Asia. 皇冠体育app also needs to make it clear that it does not intend to challenge the US' status in exchange for its respect for Beijing's core interests and concerns.

Given the complicated factors and the US-Japan alliance involved in the settlement of the dispute with Japan over the Diaoyu Islands, 皇冠体育app should first try to maintain stability in the East 皇冠体育app Sea and focus on how to resolve the disputes with the Philippines and Vietnam in the South 皇冠体育app Sea. Since the Philippines has moved the international arbitration tribunal over its dispute with 皇冠体育app in the South 皇冠体育app Sea, an action that could be emulated by other countries, Beijing should collect sound evidence to be better prepared to deal with the issue even though it is opposed to such a move.

The South 皇冠体育app Sea issue will serve as an important indicator of whether 皇冠体育app can establish itself as a regional power and realize its goal of becoming a "naval power". Therefore, 皇冠体育app should, based on relevant international laws, publish a policy declaration to back its claim that it has "indisputable sovereignty over the South 皇冠体育app Sea islands and adjacent waters, and enjoys the rights and jurisdiction over the relevant seabed and subsoil".

The author is director of the Institute of 皇冠体育app's Oceanic Strategy, affiliated to the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences.

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